Edge cities

Una edge city és un terme americà per definir una concentració de negocis, botigues i entreteniments fora d’un centre tradicional en el que havia estat prèviament una àrea residencial o rural.El terme va ser popularitzat en el llibre de 1991 Edge City: Life on the New Frontier de Joel Garreau, que va establir el seu significat actual. Garreau sosté que la edge city s’ha convertit en la forma estàndard de creixement urbà a tot el món, el que representa una forma urbana del segle XX.

Edge cities: competitive and collaborative creative economy strategies for surrey

Catherine Murray, PhD, 2008

This paper makes the case for a new framework to make Surrey the best place for creative workers to live, work and contribute to sustainable economic growth and overall quality of life. Rising property taxes, rents and inflation in the value of industrial and office property have set up the preconditions for a migration of the so-called ‘creatives’ to the ‘edge cities’ in North America. Surrey’s designation as a Cultural Capital of Canada in 2008 offers an opportunity to consolidate a creative city strategy that is not found in the recent Parks, Recreation and Culture Plan (2007-2017) endorsed by its City Council in July 2008. The most effective strategy for edge cities to adopt is to complement but differentiate from the cultural competencies of the core cities, while seeking new cooperative partnerships with others at the edge. As BC’s second largest city, Surrey should develop a specialised and separate cultural/creative planning capacity, instate a city grants program and other support programs, and cooperate in a feasibility study for mapping and expanding regional creative labour and enterprise capacity.

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Intrametropolitan Trade: Understanding the Interdependency of the Central- City and Edge Cities

Nathan B. Anderson, 2004

Recent research in urban and regional economics has shown that cities have taken on a polycentric (as opposed to monocentric) form. Much attention has focused on identifying and categorizing the numerous employment centers in a vast number of metropolitan areas. However, these studies have repeatedly demonstrated that well less than half of all employment in a metropolitan area is located within these centers. This paper uses a new approach, the tabulation of current accounts in labor services for municipalities, to examine employment patterns both inside and outside of employment centers in metropolitan Cleveland. Significant specialization is found both inside and outside of centers, and suburbs are labeled as either net importers or net exporters of labor services. Approximately $23.8 billion of labor services were traded between municipalities in the Cleveland metropolitan area in 1994.

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Edge Counties: Metropolitan Growth Engines

Robert E. Lang, Patrick A. Simmons (Fannie Mae Foundation), 2003

This Census Note serves as a bookend to the Boomburbs research. The Note tracks county-level growth by methods similar to those used to identify the city-level growth of Boomburbs.

Our analysis revealed a “Boomburb-type” of fast-growing counties that we call “Edge Counties.” The name “Edge Counties” refers to the fact that these places are mostly at or near the edge of their regions. In addition, Edge Counties are often at the leading edge of metropolitan growth. The label also plays on Joel Garreau’s (1991) popular term, “Edge City.”

Edge Counties lie in the nation’s 50 largest regions. Our analysis shows that they account for a significant share of U.S. metropolitan growth since 1950. This report identifies 54 Edge Counties, in comparison with 53 Boomburbs. But unlike the Boomburbs, which were concentrated in the Western Sunbelt, Edge Counties are found throughout the United States—from New England to Florida, from Southern California to the Pacific Northwest, and all parts in between.

We performed the Edge County analysis to track metropolitan growth in booming regions that lacked Boomburbs. Surprisingly, we also identified Edge Counties in many slowgrowth metropolitan areas. This finding suggests that the impacts of fast growth are widely distributed throughout metropolitan America, including many places that are not usually identified with growth-related problems.

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The new urban landscape: Developers and edge cities

Vernon Henderson, Arindam Mitra, 1996

In this paper we model the decisions of an edge city developer who chooses business district capacity and location strategically to maximize profits. The developer competes against a core city with historically given downtown capacity for employment and, implicitly, residential population. Moving nearer the core city enhances production efficiency by increasing the efficiency of the exchange of information between businesses in the core and edge city. On the other hand, it increases typical residential rents and commuting costs (and hence wages demanded by employees) and weakens the developer’s local monopsony power. The developer’s choice of location and capacity play out in a complex but fascinating fashion, depending on the historical capacity of the downtown.

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Personal rapid transit application in retrofitting edge cities – Macquarie park case study

Monica Zarafu, Heather MacDonald, Garry Glazebrook

This paper investigates the implications of alternative land use and transport strategies for Macquarie Park, a typical high car‐dependent “edge city” within an emerging Australian multi‐ centred city form. Detailed simulations compare a transport scenario that incorporates a Personal Rapid Transit (PRT) network as a feeder for the existing transit nodes to a business‐as‐usual projection by 2030, and one reflecting current planned transport improvements (“Planned”). The environmental and urban impacts of the three scenarios are evaluated based on estimated differences in energy use, emissions, noise, and land area required for car parks. The PRT system was found to reduce the annual CO2 emissions by more than 26,000 tonnes compared to the business‐ as‐usual scenario and by more than 9,000 tonnes compared to the “Planned” scenario. The avoided public costs associated with emissions, noise and air pollution are US$13M per year compared to a continuation of present trends and more than US$5M compared to the planned transport improvements. A positive urban impact occurs from the smaller amount of land required for parking spaces. The greatest benefit of the PRT is a potential capital cost saving of more than US$430M from building car parks. A convenient and appealing local access solution such as Personal Rapid Transit could bridge the gap between the existing car‐dependent urban forms and the transit‐focused urban future.

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